Under construction by contractors with top-secret clearances, the blandly named Utah Data Center is being built for the National Security Agency. A project of immense secrecy, it is the final piece in a complex puzzle assembled over the past decade. Its purpose: to intercept, decipher, analyze, and store vast swaths of the world’s communications as they zap down from satellites and zip through the underground and undersea cables of international, foreign, and domestic networks. The heavily fortified $2 billion center should be up and running in September 2013. Flowing through its servers and routers and stored in near-bottomless databases will be all forms of communication, including the complete contents of private emails, cell phone calls, and Google searches, as well as all sorts of personal data trails—parking receipts, travel itineraries, bookstore purchases, and other digital “pocket litter.” It is, in some measure, the realization of the “total information awareness” program created during the first term of the Bush administration—an effort that was killed by Congress in 2003 after it caused an outcry over its potential for invading Americans’ privacy.

 

But “this is more than just a data center,” says one senior intelligence official who until recently was involved with the program. The mammoth Bluffdale center will have another important and far more secret role that until now has gone unrevealed. It is also critical, he says, for breaking codes. And code-breaking is crucial, because much of the data that the center will handle—financial information, stock transactions, business deals, foreign military and diplomatic secrets, legal documents, confidential personal communications—will be heavily encrypted. According to another top official also involved with the program, the NSA made an enormous breakthrough several years ago in its ability to cryptanalyze, or break, unfathomably complex encryption systems employed by not only governments around the world but also many average computer users in the US. The upshot, according to this official: “Everybody’s a target; everybody with communication is a target.”

 

In the process—and for the first time since Watergate and the other scandals of the Nixon administration—the NSA has turned its surveillance apparatus on the US and its citizens. It has established listening posts throughout the nation to collect and sift through billions of email messages and phone calls, whether they originate within the country or overseas. It has created a supercomputer of almost unimaginable speed to look for patterns and unscramble codes. Finally, the agency has begun building a place to store all the trillions of words and thoughts and whispers captured in its electronic net. And, of course, it’s all being done in secret. To those on the inside, the old adage that NSA stands for Never Say Anything applies more than ever.

 

A short time later, Inglis arrived in Bluffdale at the site of the future data center, a flat, unpaved runway on a little-used part of Camp Williams, a National Guard training site. There, in a white tent set up for the occasion, Inglis joined Harvey Davis, the agency’s associate director for installations and logistics, and Utah senator Orrin Hatch, along with a few generals and politicians in a surreal ceremony. Standing in an odd wooden sandbox and holding gold-painted shovels, they made awkward jabs at the sand and thus officially broke ground on what the local media had simply dubbed “the spy center.” Hoping for some details on what was about to be built, reporters turned to one of the invited guests, Lane Beattie of the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce. Did he have any idea of the purpose behind the new facility in his backyard? “Absolutely not,” he said with a self-conscious half laugh. “Nor do I want them spying on me.”

 

Within days, the tent and sandbox and gold shovels would be gone and Inglis and the generals would be replaced by some 10,000 construction workers. “We’ve been asked not to talk about the project,” Rob Moore, president of Big-D Construction, one of the three major contractors working on the project, told a local reporter. The plans for the center show an extensive security system: an elaborate $10 million antiterrorism protection program, including a fence designed to stop a 15,000-pound vehicle traveling 50 miles per hour, closed-circuit cameras, a biometric identification system, a vehicle inspection facility, and a visitor-control center.

 

Inside, the facility will consist of four 25,000-square-foot halls filled with servers, complete with raised floor space for cables and storage. In addition, there will be more than 900,000 square feet for technical support and administration. The entire site will be self-sustaining, with fuel tanks large enough to power the backup generators for three days in an emergency, water storage with the capability of pumping 1.7 million gallons of liquid per day, as well as a sewage system and massive air-conditioning system to keep all those servers cool. Electricity will come from the center’s own substation built by Rocky Mountain Power to satisfy the 65-megawatt power demand. Such a mammoth amount of energy comes with a mammoth price tag—about $40 million a year, according to one estimate.

Given the facility’s scale and the fact that a terabyte of data can now be stored on a flash drive the size of a man’s pinky, the potential amount of information that could be housed in Bluffdale is truly staggering. But so is the exponential growth in the amount of intelligence data being produced every day by the eavesdropping sensors of the NSA and other intelligence agencies. As a result of this “expanding array of theater airborne and other sensor networks,” as a 2007 Department of Defense report puts it, the Pentagon is attempting to expand its worldwide communications network, known as the Global Information Grid, to handle yottabytes (1024 bytes) of data. (A yottabyte is a septillion bytes—so large that no one has yet coined a term for the next higher magnitude.)

 

It needs that capacity because, according to a recent report by Cisco, global Internet traffic will quadruple from 2010 to 2015, reaching 966 exabytes per year. (A million exabytes equal a yottabyte.) In terms of scale, Eric Schmidt, Google’s former CEO, once estimated that the total of all human knowledge created from the dawn of man to 2003 totaled 5 exabytes. And the data flow shows no sign of slowing. In 2011 more than 2 billion of the world’s 6.9 billion people were connected to the Internet. By 2015, market research firm IDC estimates, there will be 2.7 billion users. Thus, the NSA’s need for a 1-million-square-foot data storehouse. Should the agency ever fill the Utah center with a yottabyte of information, it would be equal to about 500 quintillion (500,000,000,000,000,000,000) pages of text.

 

Before yottabytes of data from the deep web and elsewhere can begin piling up inside the servers of the NSA’s new center, they must be collected. To better accomplish that, the agency has undergone the largest building boom in its history, including installing secret electronic monitoring rooms in major US telecom facilities. Controlled by the NSA, these highly secured spaces are where the agency taps into the US communications networks, a practice that came to light during the Bush years but was never acknowledged by the agency. The broad outlines of the so-called warrantless-wiretapping program have long been exposed—how the NSA secretly and illegally bypassed the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, which was supposed to oversee and authorize highly targeted domestic eavesdropping; how the program allowed wholesale monitoring of millions of American phone calls and email. In the wake of the program’s exposure, Congress passed the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, which largely made the practices legal. Telecoms that had agreed to participate in the illegal activity were granted immunity from prosecution and lawsuits. What wasn’t revealed until now, however, was the enormity of this ongoing domestic spying program.

For the first time, a former NSA official has gone on the record to describe the program, codenamed Stellar Wind, in detail. William Binney was a senior NSA crypto-mathematician largely responsible for automating the agency’s worldwide eavesdropping network. A tall man with strands of black hair across the front of his scalp and dark, determined eyes behind thick-rimmed glasses, the 68-year-old spent nearly four decades breaking codes and finding new ways to channel billions of private phone calls and email messages from around the world into the NSA’s bulging databases. As chief and one of the two cofounders of the agency’s Signals Intelligence Automation Research Center, Binney and his team designed much of the infrastructure that’s still likely used to intercept international and foreign communications.

 

He explains that the agency could have installed its tapping gear at the nation’s cable landing stations—the more than two dozen sites on the periphery of the US where fiber-optic cables come ashore. If it had taken that route, the NSA would have been able to limit its eavesdropping to just international communications, which at the time was all that was allowed under US law. Instead it chose to put the wiretapping rooms at key junction points throughout the country—large, windowless buildings known as switches—thus gaining access to not just international communications but also to most of the domestic traffic flowing through the US. The network of intercept stations goes far beyond the single room in an AT&T building in San Francisco exposed by a whistle-blower in 2006. “I think there’s 10 to 20 of them,” Binney says. “That’s not just San Francisco; they have them in the middle of the country and also on the East Coast.”

 

The eavesdropping on Americans doesn’t stop at the telecom switches. To capture satellite communications in and out of the US, the agency also monitors AT&T’s powerful earth stations, satellite receivers in locations that include Roaring Creek and Salt Creek. Tucked away on a back road in rural Catawissa, Pennsylvania, Roaring Creek’s three 105-foot dishes handle much of the country’s communications to and from Europe and the Middle East. And on an isolated stretch of land in remote Arbuckle, California, three similar dishes at the company’s Salt Creek station service the Pacific Rim and Asia.

Binney left the NSA in late 2001, shortly after the agency launched its warrantless-wiretapping program. “They violated the Constitution setting it up,” he says bluntly. “But they didn’t care. They were going to do it anyway, and they were going to crucify anyone who stood in the way. When they started violating the Constitution, I couldn’t stay.” Binney says Stellar Wind was far larger than has been publicly disclosed and included not just eavesdropping on domestic phone calls but the inspection of domestic email. At the outset the program recorded 320 million calls a day, he says, which represented about 73 to 80 percent of the total volume of the agency’s worldwide intercepts. The haul only grew from there. According to Binney—who has maintained close contact with agency employees until a few years ago—the taps in the secret rooms dotting the country are actually powered by highly sophisticated software programs that conduct “deep packet inspection,” examining Internet traffic as it passes through the 10-gigabit-per-second cables at the speed of light.

 

The software, created by a company called Narus that’s now part of Boeing, is controlled remotely from NSA headquarters at Fort Meade in Maryland and searches US sources for target addresses, locations, countries, and phone numbers, as well as watch-listed names, keywords, and phrases in email. Any communication that arouses suspicion, especially those to or from the million or so people on agency watch lists, are automatically copied or recorded and then transmitted to the NSA.

The scope of surveillance expands from there, Binney says. Once a name is entered into the Narus database, all phone calls and other communications to and from that person are automatically routed to the NSA’s recorders. “Anybody you want, route to a recorder,” Binney says. “If your number’s in there? Routed and gets recorded.” He adds, “The Narus device allows you to take it all.” And when Bluffdale is completed, whatever is collected will be routed there for storage and analysis.

 

After he left the NSA, Binney suggested a system for monitoring people’s communications according to how closely they are connected to an initial target. The further away from the target—say you’re just an acquaintance of a friend of the target—the less the surveillance. But the agency rejected the idea, and, given the massive new storage facility in Utah, Binney suspects that it now simply collects everything. “The whole idea was, how do you manage 20 terabytes of intercept a minute?” he says. “The way we proposed was to distinguish between things you want and things you don’t want.” Instead, he adds, “they’re storing everything they gather.” And the agency is gathering as much as it can.

 

Once the communications are intercepted and stored, the data-mining begins. “You can watch everybody all the time with data- mining,” Binney says. Everything a person does becomes charted on a graph, “financial transactions or travel or anything,” he says. Thus, as data like bookstore receipts, bank statements, and commuter toll records flow in, the NSA is able to paint a more and more detailed picture of someone’s life.

According to Binney, one of the deepest secrets of the Stellar Wind program—again, never confirmed until now—was that the NSA gained warrantless access to AT&T’s vast trove of domestic and international billing records, detailed information about who called whom in the US and around the world. As of 2007, AT&T had more than 2.8 trillion records housed in a database at its Florham Park, New Jersey, complex.

 

Verizon was also part of the program, Binney says, and that greatly expanded the volume of calls subject to the agency’s domestic eavesdropping. “That multiplies the call rate by at least a factor of five,” he says. “So you’re over a billion and a half calls a day.” (Spokespeople for Verizon and AT&T said their companies would not comment on matters of national security.)

The NSA also has the ability to eavesdrop on phone calls directly and in real time. According to Adrienne J. Kinne, who worked both before and after 9/11 as a voice interceptor at the NSA facility in Georgia, in the wake of the World Trade Center attacks “basically all rules were thrown out the window, and they would use any excuse to justify a waiver to spy on Americans.” Even journalists calling home from overseas were included. “A lot of time you could tell they were calling their families,” she says, “incredibly intimate, personal conversations.” Kinne found the act of eavesdropping on innocent fellow citizens personally distressing. “It’s almost like going through and finding somebody’s diary,” she says.

Anyone—from terrorists and weapons dealers to corporations, financial institutions, and ordinary email senders—can use it to seal their messages, plans, photos, and documents in hardened data shells. For years, one of the hardest shells has been the Advanced Encryption Standard, one of several algorithms used by much of the world to encrypt data. Available in three different strengths—128 bits, 192 bits, and 256 bits—it’s incorporated in most commercial email programs and web browsers and is considered so strong that the NSA has even approved its use for top-secret US government communications. Most experts say that a so-called brute-force computer attack on the algorithm—trying one combination after another to unlock the encryption—would likely take longer than the age of the universe. For a 128-bit cipher, the number of trial-and-error attempts would be 340 undecillion (1036).

 

Breaking into those complex mathematical shells like the AES is one of the key reasons for the construction going on in Bluffdale. That kind of cryptanalysis requires two major ingredients: super-fast computers to conduct brute-force attacks on encrypted messages and a massive number of those messages for the computers to analyze. The more messages from a given target, the more likely it is for the computers to detect telltale patterns, and Bluffdale will be able to hold a great many messages. “We questioned it one time,” says another source, a senior intelligence manager who was also involved with the planning. “Why were we building this NSA facility? And, boy, they rolled out all the old guys—the crypto guys.” According to the official, these experts told then-director of national intelligence Dennis Blair, “You’ve got to build this thing because we just don’t have the capability of doing the code-breaking.” It was a candid admission. In the long war between the code breakers and the code makers—the tens of thousands of cryptographers in the worldwide computer security industry—the code breakers were admitting defeat.

 

So the agency had one major ingredient—a massive data storage facility—under way. Meanwhile, across the country in Tennessee, the government was working in utmost secrecy on the other vital element: the most powerful computer the world has ever known.

 

The plan was launched in 2004 as a modern-day Manhattan Project. Dubbed the High Productivity Computing Systems program, its goal was to advance computer speed a thousandfold, creating a machine that could execute a quadrillion (1015) operations a second, known as a petaflop—the computer equivalent of breaking the land speed record. And as with the Manhattan Project, the venue chosen for the supercomputing program was the town of Oak Ridge in eastern Tennessee, a rural area where sharp ridges give way to low, scattered hills, and the southwestward-flowing Clinch River bends sharply to the southeast. About 25 miles from Knoxville, it is the “secret city” where uranium- 235 was extracted for the first atomic bomb. A sign near the exit read: what you see here, what you do here, what you hear here, when you leave here, let it stay here. Today, not far from where that sign stood, Oak Ridge is home to the Department of Energy’s Oak Ridge National Laboratory, and it’s engaged in a new secret war. But this time, instead of a bomb of almost unimaginable power, the weapon is a computer of almost unimaginable speed.

 

At the DOE’s unclassified center at Oak Ridge, work progressed at a furious pace, although it was a one-way street when it came to cooperation with the closemouthed people in Building 5300. Nevertheless, the unclassified team had its Cray XT4 supercomputer upgraded to a warehouse-sized XT5. Named Jaguar for its speed, it clocked in at 1.75 petaflops, officially becoming the world’s fastest computer in 2009.

 

Meanwhile, over in Building 5300, the NSA succeeded in building an even faster supercomputer. “They made a big breakthrough,” says another former senior intelligence official, who helped oversee the program. The NSA’s machine was likely similar to the unclassified Jaguar, but it was much faster out of the gate, modified specifically for cryptanalysis and targeted against one or more specific algorithms, like the AES. In other words, they were moving from the research and development phase to actually attacking extremely difficult encryption systems. The code-breaking effort was up and running.

 

The breakthrough was enormous, says the former official, and soon afterward the agency pulled the shade down tight on the project, even within the intelligence community and Congress. “Only the chairman and vice chairman and the two staff directors of each intelligence committee were told about it,” he says. The reason? “They were thinking that this computing breakthrough was going to give them the ability to crack current public encryption.”

Yottabytes and exaflops, septillions and undecillions—the race for computing speed and data storage goes on. In his 1941 story “The Library of Babel,” Jorge Luis Borges imagined a collection of information where the entire world’s knowledge is stored but barely a single word is understood. In Bluffdale the NSA is constructing a library on a scale that even Borges might not have contemplated. And to hear the masters of the agency tell it, it’s only a matter of time until every word is illuminated.

Before he gave up and left the NSA, Binney tried to persuade officials to create a more targeted system that could be authorized by a court. At the time, the agency had 72 hours to obtain a legal warrant, and Binney devised a method to computerize the system. “I had proposed that we automate the process of requesting a warrant and automate approval so we could manage a couple of million intercepts a day, rather than subvert the whole process.” But such a system would have required close coordination with the courts, and NSA officials weren’t interested in that, Binney says. Instead they continued to haul in data on a grand scale. Asked how many communications—”transactions,” in NSA’s lingo—the agency has intercepted since 9/11, Binney estimates the number at “between 15 and 20 trillion, the aggregate over 11 years.”

 

When Barack Obama took office, Binney hoped the new administration might be open to reforming the program to address his constitutional concerns. He and another former senior NSA analyst, J. Kirk Wiebe, tried to bring the idea of an automated warrant-approval system to the attention of the Department of Justice’s inspector general. They were given the brush-off. “They said, oh, OK, we can’t comment,” Binney says.

Sitting in a restaurant not far from NSA headquarters, the place where he spent nearly 40 years of his life, Binney held his thumb and forefinger close together. “We are, like, that far from a turnkey totalitarian state,” he says.

On 14th April 2012 Anonymous (UK) activists will be joining FREE ROBERT GREEN & JUSTICE FOR HOLLIE GREIG SUPPORTERS in travelling up to Aberdeen to raise awareness to both the injustice surrounding the Hollie Greig case and the miscarriage of justice in jailing Robert Green. Here, Anonymous (UK) explains WHY this is such an important case of corruption and injustice to tackle. Anonymous (UK) also, through this video, calls to arms ALL it’s activist members to join as a collective and travel en mass to show solidarity and support for both Hollie & Anne, and Robert Green. Anonymous (UK) is Legion. We do not forgive and We will not forget.

FREE ROBERT GREEN…….. JUSTICE FOR HOLLIE GREIG.

Re the link above:
Anonymous UK has now openly declared its support for the campaign and active involvement.  Previously, they were aware of the case but kept a respectful distance… until Robert was imprisoned.  Anonymous UK got a banner to ‘Free Robert Green’ on a live BBC news broadcast and it would now seems that they are quiet no more and are openly aligning with with campaign!  If this doesn’t send a shock-wave through the paedo-camp of Aberdeen nothing will.

Here is the BBC news report where they got the banner out for all to see… [youtube yrnIfAoTjv4]

• The Sunbeds (Fixed Penalty) (Amount) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Judicial Pensions (Contributions) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Special Educational Needs Tribunal for Wales Regulations 2012 / Rheoliadau Tribiwnlys Anghenion Addysgol Arbennig Cymru 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Judicial Pensions (European Court of Human Rights) (Amendment) Order 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Police Act 1997 (Criminal Records) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Belfast International Airport (Control Over Land) Order (Northern Ireland) 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Sunbeds (2011 Act) (Commencement No. 2) Order (Northern Ireland) 2012 March 8, 2012
• Correction Slip March 8, 2012
• The Budget Responsibility and National Audit Act 2011 (Appointed Day) Order 2012 March 8, 2012
• The National Assistance (Sums for Personal Requirements) Amendment (England) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Transfer of Tenancies and Right to Acquire (Exclusion) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Pensions Act 2004 (Disclosure of Restricted Information by the Pensions Regulator – Amendment) Order 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Police (Amendment No. 2) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Pensions (Institute and Faculty of Actuaries and Consultation by Employers – Amendment) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Personal Injuries (Civilians) Scheme (Amendment) Order 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Authorised Officers (Meat Inspection) (Revocation) (England) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Education (School Teachers’ Prescribed Qualifications, etc) (Amendment) Order 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Consistent Financial Reporting (England) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012
• The Flexible Tenancies (Review Procedures) Regulations 2012 March 8, 2012

On a cold winter’s day on 12th February 2010, Robert Green, an Englishman from Warrington, Cheshire, was arrested for walking down a street in Aberdeen, Scotland, on his way to meet friends who were helping with his election campaign to become a member of parliament. A campaign which highlighted the abuse of Hollie Greig, a Downs Syndrome young woman raped in the first instance by her father from the age of 6. He then prostituted her to his paedophile cohorts who allegedly included Aberdeen Sheriff, Graham Buchanan.

Robert Green stood trial in a Stonehaven Court in Scotland on Monday, 16th January 2012 accused of breach of the peace. When he was arrested he was told he had broken an interdict (injunction). Paperwork proves the interdict was granted to Sheriff Buchanan on 11th February 2010. Unable to serve this interdict by Eclipse Services, Cheshire to Robert originally at home in Warrington, England (an interdict has to be given to the subject personally, wrongly they pushed it through the letterbox, later picked up by his son) on the 11th February. The police realised Robert had not been served their mistake after they arrested him.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=endscreen&NR=1&v=LsgrRmHW8r
The same interdict was removed by Grampian Police when they entered Robert’s home, whilst Robert was in custody. The interdict was then served on Robert whilst in custody at Queens Street Police Station, Aberdeen. It was thought at the time that it was the Scottish Crown Office who issued the interdict, but it in actuality, it was Sheriff Graham Buchanan. Robert Green as convicted in a de facto court. He was denied a trial by jury, denied the right to present his witnesses in court and sentenced to twelve months imprisonment. His crime: intending to hand out his campaign leaflet which highlighted the injustice to Anne and Hollie Greig and asking for a public enquiry.

Background

1) Beginning with the death of Anne’s brother Roy Greig in 1997 in suspicious circumstances in a remote part of Aberdeen, Grampian Police claimed he had committed suicide by sitting in a burning car after suffering multiple fractures to his torso back and front – broken sternum, six broken ribs and multiple bruising. We are expected to believe these injuries were caused by attempts to resuscitate him. Anne has asked, how did the police determine it was suicide within a time frame of three and a half hours in the middle of the night? Exactly who decided it was suicide? There was no investigation. The authorities have refused to release the name of the officer on both counts and also the blood toxicology report.

2) In 2000, having been alerted to discrepancies in her late brother’s estate which took three years to complete with the added shock and embarrassment of finding that his funeral costs had not been paid, Anne began to make complaints to the Law Society about the solicitor who was also her husband’s friend. One evening, whilst she was photocopying documents, her husband, Denis Mackie, beat her severely, with the help of his son Greg. Anne miraculously escaped wearing only pyjamas and in her bare feet she ran from the family home into the night, seeking safety.

3) After Anne had fled her home in 2000, she went into a hostel. It was then that Hollie told her that Roy (Hollie’s uncle) had caught her father Denis Mackie raping her. Anne and Hollie then went to the police to report the crime in May 2000.

4) As months went on, Hollie came out with further names which included Sheriff Buchanan and a policeman Terry Major. She and her mother reported details of multiple rapes to Grampian Police on the 25th August 2000. Ten days later, ten people turned up at Anne’s and Hollie’s home and forcibly medicated Anne by injection, in response to a warrant issued by the police for the detention of Anne under the mental Health Act, her unlawful sectioning was instigated by Denis Mackie (her husband) and followed through using police powers.

5) The name of the Sheriff who signed that warrant has been withheld, despite written requests the name has never been established.

Hollie was not afforded any consideration or support for reporting the serious crime of rape. She suffered post-traumatic stress and night terrors due to seeing her mother physically taken away from her and forcefully sectioned (committed to a mental institution). All this on top of years of abuse from her father and brother, which resulted in intimate physical scarring, for which Hollie was awarded £13,500 by the Criminal Injuries Commission in damages.

Grampian Police allowed the spoliation of evidence resulting in no criminal charges being brought and no case to answer for her abusers. All the mattresses were taken from Anne’s home and disposed of in her absence by Denis Mackie – vital DNA was lost. Terry Major, former Metropolitan Police officer, (and one of Hollie’s alleged abusers), was at the time head of Forensics at Grampian Police, his wife, Sylvia Major, cousin to Denis Mackie.

Could it be said the police were protecting their own? It is alleged that questions were raised concerning Terry Major’s involvement in the Shirley McKie case; a policewoman who’s fingerprints had been found at the scene of a crime. “Shirley McKie was a successful police woman until February 1997 when she was accused of leaving her fingerprint at a crime scene and lying about it. This all happened in the line of duty when she was part of a police team investigating the vicious murder of Marion Ross in Kilmarnock, Scotland.” http://www.shirleymckie.com The Chief Constable of Grampian Police at the time was Andrew Brown who was also involved in Hollie’s case. The Shirley McKie case also raised some very serious questions about the criminal justice system in Scotland.

Joining up the dots:

Anne was continually refused her common law right to enter the Aberdeen Sheriff Court to confront Denis Mackie and his friend Sheriff Buchanan who presided over their divorce proceedings. Instead, she was kept in the court café for eight hours comforting her daughter Hollie who, at the site of seeing her father, became extremely agitated and upset, having been reassured that she would not have to see her abusers. Hollie was prepared to testify under oath that her father, Denis Mackie and brother, Greg Mackie had continually raped and abused her since she was 6 years-old. Anne and Hollie were prohibited from entering the court, as was their expert witness Dr Eva Harding, a well-respected psychologist who interviewed Hollie over several days and wrote a report. This same report was never submitted by the police to the Procurator Fiscal’s Office when Elish Angiolini was at the helm and no investigation was ordered. Anne’s said her barrister at the time, Allison Sterling was extremely unhelpful she and Denis Mackie’s barrister, Morag B. Wise, conducted the business of divorce on the court landing area where Anne was not permitted to be involved. Anne said she complained about Sterling’s conduct to the Faculty of Advocates, who she said did absolutely nothing about her complaints which were very serious.

It is of great concern that Sheriff Buchanan has seemingly allowed himself to adjudicate in a case where he was clearly personally associated with one of the parties, Denis Mackie and with whom he shares the same solicitor Simpson and Marwick. This was clearly a prima facie case of a conflict of interest. The decision of the court should therefore have been to strike out. The situation was later brought to the attention of the Faculty of Advocates in a complaint by Anne Greig but was ignored. This is typical of Scotland where criminals go free, the just are imprisoned and freedom of speech is dead.

Hollie Greig and her mother Anne were denied justice by the Scottish Crown Prosecution Criminal Justice System. They are the victims and as such they should have been protected.

In fear of their lives, they eventually fled to England from Aberdeen in October 2005 with the assistance of Women’s Aid and the Downs Syndrome Association (DSA). It is interesting to note, the DSA supported Anne and Hollie in Aberdeen and England for a period of ten years until May 2010 when their Press Agent, John Smithies, was about to put out a press release in support of their case. John was called into the office of the Charity’s Director, Carol Boyes and instantly dismissed from work. The DSA have been instrumental in the current court action taken by Shropshire Council which is now in the High Court of Appeal. Hollie and Anne feel their lives have been violated by this action which is a breach of the public trust and No Secrets Policy of 2000 and the Carers’ Rights Act. Furthermore there is documentary evidence that Shropshire Council have repeatedly lied to the Information Commissioner about the break-in by police to Anne and Hollie’s home (which they trashed) on a missing persons mission, falsely asserting that Hollie was under the care of Shropshire Council, evidence now available proves otherwise.

Is this all an attempt to gag Hollie Greig, her mother Anne and Robert Green as it appears to be? It is an abuse of power to use the secret family courts to silence individuals.

Restricting a person’s right to free speech is one of the cruellest crimes that could be placed upon an individual who has been wronged. Why is there no support from the DSA for Hollie, as an innocent victim of despicable crimes? Is there a Common Purpose here? Who is Shropshire Council ultimately protecting? Certainly not Anne and Hollie. They should be forcing a public enquiry since Hollie received criminal injuries, her father was named as the main perpetrator, therefore he, at least, should be prosecuted.

If the alleged abusers in Hollie’s case thought Robert Green’s spoken and written words were slanderous or libellous, why have they not, individually, or collectively, taken out a private prosecution against Robert, Anne or Hollie?
It would seem that the Scottish Crown, has enabled the alleged abusers to find a method of resolution, at no cost; allowing them to hide behind the judiciary, aiding and abetting a Sheriff who, seemingly had access to the public purse in pursuit of the arrest of Robert Green on a breach of the peace charge so that he could be silenced. A swifter, easier method of dealing with someone so vocal as Robert Green, rather than via a costly prosecution for liable, which could have been difficult. Libel actions are often heard by juries and applications are usually heard in the High Court, which compounds the uncertainty inherent in the litigation process.

Simpson and Marwick solicitors representing Sheriff Buchanan, wrote to Robert Green demanding £7,500 for expenses Buchanan incurred, which included: Arranging for surveillance of Robert and preparing a private interdict, with an attempt to serve it on 11th February 2010, then reissuing it and actually serving it whilst he was held in custody after he was arrested for breaking it! To see this document with invoices, please go to: http://www.holliedemandsjustice.org look for the following image in the left side bar.

http://holliedemandsjustice.org/content/who-really-issued-the-interdict-on-robert-green/

Buchanan’s list of expenses (page 4) states: Simpson and Marwick solicitors wrote to the Press & Journal in Aberdeen in 2009 on behalf of Sheriff Graham Buchanan. In a four-page letter they highlighted grave concerns regarding comments made in their front page article entitled “Downs Syndrome woman names paedophile ring, Hollie tells police she was abused by Sheriff.” Why did Simpson and Marwick not threaten to sue the Press & Journal for defamation?

It is alleged the former Lord Advocate, Elish Angiolini, used public funds when she employed Levy & McRae to try to silence The Firm Magazine and the UK Column after they printed Hollie’s story. Angiolini has refused to answer a Freedom of Information Request on this matter.

Note the Scottish Government’s participation in Robert Green’s arrest by providing information (Buchanan’s list of expenses, page 5), states: Simpson and Marwick “took instruction from Peter Watson of Levy & McRae on behalf of the Scottish Government.”

Entrapment

Greg Lance Watkins was the person who published the names of Hollies abusers on his website Stolenkids, without permission. Why was GLW not issued with an injunction? It was subsequently found he worked off a Government Service Internet network. GLW published the names of Hollies abusers on his website ‘Stolenkids’ without permission, his site also published photographs taken from Anne’s home during the police raid.

His site also published photographs taken from Anne’s home during the police raid instigated by Shropshire Council. A press release of June 2010 on Holliedemandsjustice site http://holliedemandsjustice.org/content/anna-raccoon-she-working-paedophile-rings-within-government/ states “Anna Raccoon, fellow blogger (real name Susanne Nundy nee Blackie), worked at the Court of Protection, see email address susannenundy@chcourtofprotection.co.uk view “Links to Old Scholars’ Pages” http://oldscholars.info/links.htm Is this a coincidence? Also ex-employee of the Lord Provosts Dept.”

GLW first made contact with Robert Green in 2009 offering to build a website and be the webmaster, this was a pattern, he used to get involved with other cases relating to important issues such as the Magna Carter Society, Dunblane, Lockerbi etc. He further introduced Robert Green to a man called Robbie the Pict saying he was a mate who he supposedly met through blogging on websites about Lockerbie and Dunblane. Robbie suggested to Robert Green that he would help to distribute leaflets with the aid of his friends around a few areas of Aberdeen, including Ferryhill where the named abusers lived. Robert was not involved in this.

Robbie told Anne that he had previously lived in the Ferryhill area near Sylvia Major, (cousin of Denis Mackie), one of those named by Hollie. Robbie said he also knew Sylvia’s friend and neighbour Anne Royal and suggested Anne speak to her. Anne did not agree to this for very good reasons. Robbie also suggested Robert have a meeting with a Conservative Councillor friend of his, whom he said was also from the Ferryhill area. A meeting was arranged for the 12th February 2010, coincidentally the day of Robert’s arrest. This Councillor strangely and shockingly was listed as one of the sixty-one people who had been upset and were in fear of Robert’s actions. Ironically he had previously claimed he was supporting the Hollie Greig case.

Robbie said he would get Robert a lawyer, a man called George Mathers a friend of his for thirty years, he said Mathers would represent Robert at the first hearing after his arrest. Another twist in the story, Mathers let Robert down at the last minute leaving him without a lawyer. Robert had to go into court alone in camera charged with breach of the peace.

Conclusion

Having researched this story in-depth and read huge volumes of documents, we can confirm there is a paper trail that will ultimately expose and incriminate those behind the defamation and sectioning of Anne Greig as she tried in vain to get justice for her daughter and ultimately help prevent the abuse of other children.

Those of you reading this article and viewing the list of itemised expenses (available on www.holliedemandsjustice.org) claimed by Sheriff Graham Buchanan in the documents he provided, will be left in no doubt of his arrogance. By trying to claim the said costs he incurred for attempting to arrest and silence Robert Green, he actually has revealed his hand as being the major player behind Green’s arrest. As a learned man of the Scottish Legal UN-JUST System, he was perfectly placed. Who else amongst Hollie’s abusers would have the power and knowledge to carry out such a scheme and pull it off? But not quite good enough, the aforementioned documents clearly expose Buchanan’s scheming methods to silence Green rather than take the expensive path of a libel suite, with no guarantees of success and what’s more in front of a jury in a High Court. Instead he chose the simpler, more guaranteed method to conspire with his cohorts, to entrap and arrest Hollie’s champion once he was outside English jurisdiction and in the belly of Aberdeen, for his publicised election campaign, on the weekend of 12th February 2010.

It is obvious from Sheriff Buchanan’s own detailed admission through the itemised inventory and invoices issued in his name pertaining to the seeking of an interdict. Including interactions and communications with third parties, relating to the same, he was possibly the one who ordered the police to arrest of Green. It actually states on page 9, “…that police officers should be alerted and be fully there on…” Then by claiming Green had breached an interdict. When in fact, the police had arrested Green too soon – they had jumped the gun, the timing was amiss. The planned interdict had not been served on Robert Green at his home in Warrington as planned, eventually Buchanan was informed by the police and had to arrange to reissue the interdict for Robert to be served whilst he was actually in custody. This shows up in the itemised list and invoices.

Robert didn’t stand a chance with the weight of the Scottish Mafia against him coupled with his incompetent and submissive legal team who accepted a trial by Sheriff, he paid the ultimate price for putting his total trust in them. Sheriff Bowen, Buchanan’s friend and colleague of Elish Angiolini, carried out the dirty deed sentencing Robert for a ludicrous charge of breach of the peace. This leaves the following questions with now obvious answers.

How did Sheriff Buchanan KNOW Robert Green had been arrested as he left his B&B and was being held at Queen’s Street Police Station, Aberdeen? He was having Robert followed. This shows in the itemised billing.

Someone must have made the call to the police to have Robert arrested but who, or was it prearranged? Yes, it was prearranged it stated in the itemised billing (page 9), “…that police officers should be alerted and be fully there on…”

Robert had rights under the Representation of the Peoples Act 2000 to distribute campaign leaflets as he was campaiging to become an MP for Aberdeen at the time. With the bail conditions they imposed on Robert banning him from Aberdeen, it contravened his rights as a Prospective Parliamentary Candidate (PPC) preventing him from meeting or discussing election issues face to face with voters. It would appear that the bail conditions conflict with rights a Prospective Parliamentary Candidate.

Sheriff Buchanan had to ensure Robert was served with the interdict so they could charge him. Once arrested the police realised he had no knowledge of the said interdict. Even though the law had been changed as a result of the Cadder Case, Robert was never allowed a lawyer whilst in custody. Cadder went to the European Court of Human Rights on the point of legal representation whilst held in custody hence the Law in Scotland was forced to change. Grampian police violated Robert’s Human Rights and Scottish law at this juncture. The police realising the interdict had not been served took his keys, travelled to England and went into his home, stole files and his computer taking with them the earlier interdict posted through the letterbox. They left no inventory, required by law. None of the items taken have been returned.

Simpson and Marwick state in the itemised list (page 6), Jan. 2010 “…my client (Buchanan) has been aware of the allegations for perhaps 4 months but up until now had elected not to commence proceedings although the electronic coverage was grossly offensive to him and did have some circulation, it was not having an immediate impact on his daily life and work he did not want to draw further media attention to the abusive comments and the most recent steps now make that passive response insufficient and accordingly he drafted the appropriate summons for signetting and serving …”

Didn’t seem to bother him for 4 months? Why did Sheriff Buchanan not want to draw further media attention? Answer: Perhaps he had something to hide?

Note:
Elish Angolini (former Lord advocate), Frank Mullholland (present Lord Advocate), Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC, Alex Salmond (First Minister), Owen Patterson (Anne’s disinterested MP) are all members of the Privy Council. Angiolini now works in the same stable (chambers) as Sir Menzies Campbell. Is it not surprising Robert’s appeal for help to Sir Menzies and Owen Patterson fell on deaf ears? Where do subjects of Her Majesty, Anne and Hollie, get their protection if not from Her Majesty’s Privy Council?

For twelve years a number of high profile and well paid “Public Servants” have had the power to intervene in this case and bring this injustice to an end by providing a public enquiry. Instead various quasi public servants from Anne’s GP, MP, the Downs Syndrome Association and last, but not least, Shropshire Social Services have sought inter alia methods to silence them, some people may be just pawns in a game they know little about, believing the party line they have been given, however there will be those who do know and are part of the conspiracy of silence.

At the end of Plato’s Republic, the voice of Destiny can be heard to say:
“The blame is the chooser’s. In a free people, we are all choosers, those who speak out, and those who remain silent, those who stand and fight and those who run away.”

Copyright Namaste Publishing Vol.12 Issue 4, 2012
http://www.namastepublishing.co.uk/Anne,HollieandRobert.htm

Hollie Demands Justice: http://holliedemandsjustice.org
Free Robert Green:http://freerobertgreen.co.uk

The family division judge to whom the young woman’s local authority had applied for endorsement of its care-plan for her, declared from her bench that the young woman in front of her did not have capacity, despite no medical evidence having been produced to substantiate this assessment and despite it being on state and medical record that she does have capacity.

The justice went on to issue an interim care order under court of protection rules, of which a consequence was that the official solicitor should from henceforth represent the young woman, not her own legal representative. Indeed Hollie’s leading campaigner and Advocate Robert Green was conspicuous in his absence as he was recently imprisoned for one year in Aberdeen Prison for raising awareness of Hollie’s campaign.

Effectively, in a swoop, this young woman was stripped of her fundamental human and legal rights by the local authority and family court, hence her appeal in the high court on Friday 2 March.

On the Appeal day three justices concluded that a UK local authority and a secret closed family court are now to intervene to take over a vulnerable adults life with no need to produce justification for doing so. It begs the question as to what criteria may from henceforth be applied to deem any adult, disabled or otherwise as ‘vulnerable’ and requiring of state care.

The implications of that may take some time to sink in, so lets repeat it. It begs the question as to what criteria may from henceforth be applied to deem any adult, disabled or otherwise as ‘vulnerable’ and requiring of state care.

It now means that any court, may for any reason, without any level of proof, or medical expertise, deem anyone, child or otherwise ‘vulnerable’ and therefore ‘require’ state intervention in their lives. We have never been so close to a Soviet system of state control over the lives of individuals.

This 43min film will put you on the streets with us as we expose more than one serious issue that is WRONG within our UK judicial system – and the rest of the world. Please watch and link this film. As citizens, we have a duty to expose wrongdoings and hold people to account, no matter how high up they stand on the ladder. It is these people that are slowing down the process towards unity around the globe and pushing for equality, peace and TRUE justice.

Show your support for Anne, Hollie and Robert and please link and share this video. It’s an honour to support such a wonderful courageous young woman as Hollie Greig and we hope that in some way this film will help raise awareness and help her achieve the justice she deserves.

This Film was made with the compliments from all at Pie and Mash Films.

As you have witnessed in this film a huge swell of supporters from Cornwall to Scotland gathered at the Royal Courts to show their support for Hollie Greig and her Mother Anne, confirming the deep level of public concern over this issue.

For up to date information and to show support for Hollie visit: http://holliedemandsjustice.org
For information and to show support for Robert Green please sign this petition: http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/free-robert-green-investigate-the-hollie-greig-case.html
For more information on UK Column visit: www.ukcolumn.org
To help Pie and Mash Films continue to produce uncensored films and reports visit: http://www.pienmashfilms.com/page18.htm
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